
Safeguarding Academic Freedom in Africa: The 2025 Dar es Salaam Annex to the 1990 Kampala Declaration
University
of the Free State, South Africa
The article was originally
published as an opinion piece for African Arguments. https://africanarguments.org/2025/06/safeguarding-academic-freedom-the-dar-es-salaam-annex-to-the-kampala-declaration/
Around the world, academic freedom
in universities is increasingly under threat from the rise of
populist regimes, repressive governments and heightened
polarisation based on race, religion and other political divides.
In China, for example, Pringle and Woodman (2022) have described
the state of academic freedom in universities as being caught
between a rock and a hard place, owing to increasingly repressive
policies and the constant involvement of the government in the
internal affairs of universities. In India, there has been a
decline in freedom of academic and cultural expression in public
universities, which has been exacerbated by the Hindu nationalist,
Narendra Modi’s election as prime minister since 2014 (Kinzelbach
et al. 2023). This has mainly been the case with universities
located in minority Muslim states. Recently, the conflict in Gaza
has underscored the fragile state of academic freedom in
universities in the global North. In the United Kingdom (UK),
Germany and the United States (US), some universities, academics
and students have faced punitive repercussions for voicing their
opposition to the ongoing atrocities in the world but especially
in the so-called middle East. In Germany, such threats have led to
a significant decline in the country’s position on the 2025
Academic Freedom Index, causing it to fall outside the top 10 per
cent. Similarly, recent protests at numerous campuses in the US,
along with the subsequent revocation of visas and related rights,
based on allegations of antisemitic behaviour, have led to the
withdrawal of state funding from major universities, including
Harvard. These developments indicate a higher education
environment that is increasingly characterised by threats of
federal research grants being frozen, loss of tax-exempt status,
control over curriculum, and self-censorship, in a nation once
regarded as a shining example of democracy.
As in many parts of the world, the
transition to democracy in Africa has, unfortunately, not
succeeded in safeguarding academic freedom and institutional
autonomy for numerous universities. This issue was underscored
during the recent international
conference on academic freedom in Africa,
held at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania from 29 April
to 2 May 2025. The conference was organised by the Senegal-based
Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa
(CODESRIA).
Under the theme ‘Academic Freedom
in Africa: Revisiting the Kampala Declaration’, participants
gathered at this historic university, which had previously been
the site of initial debates on academic freedom three decades ago.
This was highlighted in the welcome
speech
by CODESRIA’s Executive Secretary, Godwin Murunga, when he noted:
[the]
University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) ignited the pan- African agenda
on intellectual freedom. It was through the leadership of its
staff union, the University of Dar es Salaam Academic Staff
Assembly (UDASA), that the first conference on advancing
intellectual freedom was held here at Dar es Salaam on 19 April
1990.
The 2025 conference attracted more
than 169 delegates from various regions of the continent and
beyond. The call for papers generated a total of 220 submissions
from thirty-six countries. Among these submissions, 23.6 per cent
were from female applicants and 76.4 per cent were from male
applicants. This gender disparity indicates that the academic
freedom research terrain in Africa is still very much
male-dominated. Additionally, 76 per cent of the papers were
submitted in English, with 38 per cent in French and 2 per cent in
Portuguese. The top six countries with the highest number of
submissions were Cameroon, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda, Kenya
and Zimbabwe. After four days of critical discussions, the
conference concluded with the review and adoption of the Dar
es Salaam Annex (2025) to the Kampala
Declaration (1990) on Intellectual Freedom and Social
Responsibility. The final version of the Annex will be
presented to the 17th CODESRIA General Assembly for final review
and adoption in December 2026.
Key Debates and Critical
Engagement
Academic freedom is a vital
corner- stone of scholarly pursuit, allowing academics and
students to engage in open and rigorous deliberations on any idea
or concept without the looming threat of repercussions, censorship
or interference from authoritative bodies, whether within the
academic institution or outside it. Ali Mazrui posited three
fundamental elements that shape the understanding of academic
freedom from an African perspective:
[It] involves autonomy to shape
the curriculum and syllabus, relative freedom to recruit
teachers, and some freedom to admit students by criteria chosen
by universities. Then there is freedom for scholars to decide
research priorities and re- search methods, to publish their
research findings, and to publicise their intellectual
positions. Finally, there is general freedom of expression for
teachers and students as a necessary intellectual infrastructure
for mental development and intellectual creativity. (Mazrui
1975: 393)
Mazrui’s definition of academic
freedom highlights the importance of independent thought,
intellectual exploration and the need for meaningful dialogue that
reflects the contextual relevance of academic freedom. The
advancement of academic freedom plays a pivotal role in realising
the economic and social missions of universities and their
contributions to communities. It is with this hindsight that
Judith Butler states:
Higher
education is not only a public good that every state should
provide, but higher education based on principles of academic
freedom is necessary for an informed public, a public that can
understand and evaluate issues of common concern and form
judgements on the basis of a knowledgeable under- standing of the
world. (Butler 2017: 854)
In university spaces, where
epistemic debates, democratic principles and social cohesion are
constantly threatened by increased polarisation and state
influence, safeguarding academic freedom is not merely an
institutional necessity but a societal imperative. This freedom
enables universities to engage meaningfully with pressing issues,
such as governance, human rights and economic inequality, thereby
positioning them as vital contributors to development in their
respective societies. In Africa, numerous examples have shown how
academic thought intersects with sociopolitical progress,
particularly during the third wave of democracy that began in the
early 1990s. This period marked the reintroduction of multiparty
politics in many countries. For instance, in Zambia, academics and
university students played a pivotal role in opposing Kenneth
Kaunda’s one- party state. Their efforts were essential in pushing
for the return of plural politics, ultimately leading to the
election of Frederick Chiluba as president in 1991. Similarly,
when Chiluba attempted to amend the Constitution to permit a third
presidential term, academics and university students again took a
stand. Their voices were critical in challenging and resisting
this manipulation of the Constitution, illustrating how the voices
of academics and students, when aligned with popular struggles,
help to safeguard democracy.
The need to protect academic
freedom and align it with common good values was a recurring theme
at the CODESRIA-organised conference on academic freedom. In his opening
remarks, CODESRIA’s Executive Secretary, Godwin Murunga,
reinforced the need for scholars to organise themselves not just
in defence of intellectual freedom but also in exercising
responsibility to link their struggles with the popular struggles
of the people for freedom, social justice, human dignity and human
emancipation. The conference’s key themes centred on education
management and governance, gender diversity, university
associational life for staff and students, knowledge production
and the impact of neoliberal forces on academic freedom in African
universities.
The conference highlighted that
external and internal threats continue to pose significant
obstacles to academic freedom in public universities across the
continent. Papers focusing on Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Uganda,
Eswatini, Zambia and Zimbabwe depicted how political capture of
university management weakens academic freedom and university
autonomy in African public universities. De- spite the existence
of ‘autonomous structures’, such as university councils or
senates, governments have often exerted unlimited power over the
affairs of universities on the premise that public institutions
are dependent on public funding. In Zambia, for instance, the
Minister of Education still retains the power to appoint members
of university councils in public universities. As a result of such
unlimited powers, there have been concerns that the appointment of
top university officials is usually characterised by political
patronage, where positions like vice chancellors, deputy vice
chancellors, registrars and membership to university councils are
awarded on account of loyalty to the ruling party. This practice
has contributed to suppress academic freedom and institutional
autonomy in many universities across the continent, as
universities operate under a panoptic gaze, whereby academicians
are constantly under surveillance by university management and
state security forces.
When academicians are perceived as
overly critical of the ruling government, they are often labelled
as supporters of opposition parties. This designation carries
significant negative repercussions, especially for those who work
in public universities in countries with high levels of political
intolerance. In such environments, it can lead to diminished
opportunities for promotion and funding, as well as social
isolation, particularly from management. For academics, this
atmosphere can generate insecurity regarding their tenure. As a
result, the fear of being branded as opposition party members has
compelled some scholars and researchers to self-censor their
teaching and research practices, under- mining their epistemic
capabilities. Consequently, they may refrain from engaging in or
commenting on sensitive topics such as human rights violations,
tribalism, corruption in public offices, police brutality and
other forms of institutional abuse, which could be viewed as
politically charged.
The conference also emphasised how
the rise of extreme groups has affected academic freedom in
certain countries. In the context of South Africa, Pedro Mzileni,
from the University of Zululand, highlighted the challenges of
coloniality in academic freedom and teaching at a white far-right
university, the University of the Free State. Reflecting on his
personal experiences at that university, Mzileni expressed concern
that academic freedom is increasingly under threat from recent
international trends in far-right politics. These movements,
rooted in colonial denialism and a phenomenon often referred to as
white amnesia, seek to sustain global white supremacy while
distorting historical narratives. This distortion aims to preserve
colonial legacies and suppress progressive ideas that challenge
the atrocities committed against humanity by those in positions of
global white power.
In a presentation titled ‘Enacting
Academic Freedom in the Neoliberal University’, Sioux
McKenna from Rhodes University emphasised that, at the time of
political independence, African higher education had the potential
to serve as a common good for society and the environment. In
recent years, universities have missed an opportunity to redefine
their role by instead prioritising a neoliberal approach that
emphasises skills training and credentialling for industry.
McKenna contends that for higher education to reclaim its status
as a common good, it must actively safeguard its academic
freedoms. This entails critically addressing the influences of
state and market imperatives as the academic community seeks to
fulfil its responsibilities towards society and the environment.
Additionally, delegates observed
that the erosion of academic freedom on the continent has been
exacerbated by insufficient funding for research in universities.
Because of these funding challenges, African universities have
sought partnerships with donors, often from countries in the
global North. Johnson
Inshengoma (Catholic University of Mbeya) highlighted that
while such donor-funded collaborations have indeed contributed to
the enhancement of research capacities in African universities,
they have also posed challenges to academic freedom, because donor
agencies frequently dictate the research agenda within these
institutions.
Hajer
Kratou (Ajman University) emphasised the crucial role of
academic freedom in promoting peace across Africa. She urged
governments to prioritise the protection of academic freedom,
ensuring that universities serve as venues for critical dialogue
and as nurturing environments that empower scholars to engage in
conflict resolution and foster social cohesion.
The Way Forward: From the
Kampala Declaration (1990) to the Dar es Salaam Annex (2025)
The conference culminated with the
adoption of the Dar es Salaam Annex (2025) to the 1990 Kampala
Declaration. It is hoped that the Annex will reinvigorate the need
to safeguard academic freedom on the continent. As highlighted in
its preamble, the Dar es Salaam Annex 2025 is:
A clarion call
to the intellectuals of Africa to hear the cries of the peoples of
the continent— for united action to liberate Africans completely
from the clutches of imperialism and to emancipate them as the
rightful makers of their own history, sovereign, independent and
dignified. This demands nothing less than an All-Africa
Intellectual Movement to articulate systematically the struggles
of the people and thread together pockets of struggle unfolding in
different corners of the continent into a pan-African mass
movement.
The Annex comprises nine
thematic chapters, interconnected by the
imperative to reposition academic freedom as a
collective good. The first chapter emphasises
the engagement of African intellectuals in popular struggles
within their communities. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 underscore
the relationship between academic freedom and
knowledge production. In
particular, Chapter 2 urges
African intellectuals to dissociate
themselves from the political right and far-right
ideologies propagated by certain Western academics, social media
platforms and civil society
organisations, which primarily serve the interests of
the financial oligarchy (Article A11).
Moreover, the Annex cautions against the
commercialisation of knowledge, advocating for university
knowledge to be regard- ed as a common good. Given the epistemic
injustices in knowledge production, Chapter 4 of the Annex
underscores the need for promoting African knowledge values. As
part of the decolonisation agenda, safeguarding academic freedom
recognises the critical need for the African voice in the realm of
global knowledge production and politics. Thus, African
intellectuals are called to research, study, re- claim and
critically develop Afrocentric knowledge, epistemologies and
languages.
Furthermore, the Dar es Salaam
Annex acknowledges the funding challenges that confront the
African higher education system and its impact on academic
freedom. In response, Chapter 5 addresses this dilemma by
encouraging African academics to resist the interference of donors
and other funders in dictating research agendas and the production
of knowledge. Additionally, it highlights the urgent need for
locally sourced solutions to the funding issues that face
universities across the continent.
Chapter 6 emphasises the
significance of financial independence while also recognising the
value of international collaborations that uphold the rights of
individuals engaged in their struggles for freedom, social
justice, self-determination and national liberation. Thus, most
delegates stressed the importance of decreasing reliance on donor
funding by increasing local financial resources. Moreover, the
reduction in international aid from major donors, such as the
United States and the United Kingdom, should serve as a wake-up
call for African states to explore alternative sources of funding.
The final three chapters adopt a
broader perspective, concentrating on the fight against
discrimination and various forms of prejudice, the application of
principles to private institutions, and the responsibilities of
higher education institutions. Notably, Chapter 9 seeks to address
the internal threats to academic freedom that characterise
universities across the continent. It also mandates that public
and private higher education institutions, as well as similar
entities, adhere to the provisions outlined in the Kampala
Declaration of 1990 and the Dar es Salaam Annex of 2025.
During the debate leading up to
the adoption of the Annex, several participants raised concerns
regarding the modalities for its monitoring and evaluation. They
emphasised the necessity of developing indicators and highlighted
the importance of universities providing information that could
aid in assessing progress on academic freedom across the
continent. Some delegates noted that the Annex should broaden its
approach to engagement, involving not only non-state institutions
but also governments, which are vital stakeholders in promoting
academic freedom. Kwadwo Appiagyei-atua from the Africa Coalition
for Academic Freedom stressed that while the Annex places a
significant emphasis on the responsibilities of academics, it does
not clearly define the rights holders and duty bearers. The
absence of the state as a duty bearer in the Annex document could
complicate the monitoring process. Notwithstanding these concerns,
the Dar es Salaam (2025) Annex offers hope for collective efforts
and emphasises the urgent need to protect academic freedom across
the continent. It is essential to ensure that this agenda
transcends CODESRIA and serves as a rallying call for all who
believe in the vital role of higher education for the common good.
The success of this initiative relies on the commitment of a wide
range of stakeholders, including government officials, owners of
private higher education institutions, university leaders,
research institutes, academics and students. A luta continua
for academic freedom in Africa and beyond!
*
Dr Edward Mboyonga is a researcher specialising in higher
education and human development. He recently served as a
postdoctoral research fellow at the Centre for Development Support
at the University of the Free State in South Africa.
References
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Kinzelbach, K., Lindberg, S. I., Pelke, L. and Spannagel, J., 2023, Academic Freedom Index – 2023 Update. https://academic-freedomindex.net/research/Academic_Freedom_Index_Update.pdf.
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