Issue

Vol. 2 No. 4 (1977): Africa Development

7- Capitalist economy and the crime problem in Nigeria

https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v2i4.3498
Femi Odekunle

Corresponding Author(s) : Femi Odekunle

no-reply@codesria.org

Africa Development, Vol. 2 No. 4 (1977): Africa Development

Abstract

Cet article vise à établir un lien entre les principaux problèmes sociaux que connaît le Nigéria et le système capitaliste qui le régit. Le problème de la criminalité est un problème social qui découle du sys tème économique et social d'un pays, du traitement réservé aux diffé rents sujets qui varie en fonction de leur catégorie sociale et des inté rêts fondamentaux de ces catégories. Dans une première partie, l'auteur reconnaît et décrit l'importance, voire la gravité du problème criminel au Nigéria et à cet effet il cite un document des Nations-Unies publié en 1974 et dont les statistiques, établies sur la base d'une cinquantaine de pays, place le Nigéria au seizième rang en ce qui concerne le nombre de détenus «criminels». Le problème ira s'aggravant à en juger par l'expérience des nations développées dont le Nigéria essaie de copier le modèle socio-économi que. Rejetant d'emblée les théories bio-physiques et psychologiques du crime, l'auteur s'en prend aux explications « sociologiques » dite « fonctionnelles » de la tradition de Durkheim, de même que la tradi tion dite « libérale » parce qu'elle a pu retracer les facteurs écologi ques à partir de sous-systèmes sociaux et culturels plutôt qu'à partir de l'individu. Toutes ces théories, qu'elles soient « libérales » ou « fonc tionnelles », relèvent de la pure orthodoxie, la raison étant le manque total d'examen critique de l'ordre socio-économique et politique. Il y a heureusement une orientation «nouvelle», «radicale» ou «critique» de la criminologie qui considère que les problèmes de la criminalité sont autant d'ordre politique et économique que sociologique. L'écono mie capitaliste, de par sa nature, incite au crime non seulement à cause de la philosophie de la concurrence mais aussi par la création de l'homo economicus amoral, avare, cupide amassant les richesses et la propriété au détriment d'autres et afin d'exploiter d'autres hommes, entraînant dans son sillage le chômage, le sous-emploi, la marginalisation et, som me toute, une misère inacceptable et inacceptée. Le cas du Nigéria en est l'illustration. Sans être toutefois un inconditionnel du « déterminisme économi que » de Marx, l'auteur conclut que la criminologie contemporaine reconnaît le fait que le chômage et la pauvreté constituent les princi paux facteurs criminogènes, et pour qui veut comprendre le problème de la criminalité au Nigéria, elle est la conséquence inévitable de l'ordre social qui est essentillement criminogène de par sa structure et son système ed répartition des richesses, du pouvoir, du prestige et autres privilèges parmi les membres de la société

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Odekunle, F. 1977. 7- Capitalist economy and the crime problem in Nigeria. Africa Development. 2, 4 (Feb. 1977). DOI:https://doi.org/10.57054/ad.v2i4.3498.
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References
  1. R. Quinney, The Problem of Crime, New-York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1970, p.v.
  2. T. Turner, « Multi-national Corporation and the lnstability of the Nigerian State >,
  3. ReYiew of Afrlcan Political Economy, No 5, Jan- April, 1976, pp. 63-79.
  4. This section is a modified version of a part of an cartier paper by the author. c The Nced for
  5. Social Defense System Planning in Nigeria >, presented at the Conference on Social Research and
  6. National Developmenl in Nigeria, N.I.S.E.R., Unversity of Ibadan, Nigeria, September-October, 1975.
  7. George P. Murdock, c The Common Denominator of Cultures > in Ralph Linton (ed.),
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  10. S. E.O. Oloyede, « Juvenile Delinquency in Nigerian Law : A Case for Closer StuC:y,
  11. Nigeria LAwyers Quarter/y, Vol. 5, No 1, pp. 31-47; P. Clairmonte and T.A. Lambo,
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  17. the Prison System, July 1-5, 1968, Lagos : University of Lagos Press;
  18. A. Milner, The Nigerian Penal System, London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1972, especially Chapter 1, «
  19. Crime in Nigeria it.
  20. W.J. Chambliss, « The Political Economy of Crime: A Comparative Study of Nigeria and the USA »,
  21. in Taylor, Waltoin, Young (eds.), Critical Criminology, London : Rout­
  22. ledge and Kegan Paul, 1975, p. 171.
  23. Ibid., p. 173.
  24. Figures available to the writer cover only the period of 1960 to 1965. For instance, the Nigeria
  25. Police Force has not published its Annual Reports since 1966.
  26. Federation of Nigeria, Annual Reports of the Nigeria Police Force, 1961, Lagos: Federal Ministry
  27. of Information, 1962, p. 12.
  28. Ibid., p. 13.
  29. Federal Republic of Nigeria, Annual Reports of the Nigeria Police Force, 1965, Lagos: Federal
  30. Ministry of Information, 1966, p. 9.
  31. Federal Republic of Nigeria, Annual Report, Federal Ministry of LAbour, Social Welfare
  32. Division, 1965, Lagos: Federal Ministry of Information, 1966, pp. 15-16.
  33. Until 1967, when the police forces were unified under the N.P.F., Nigeria had three
  34. police organizations.
  35. Fifth UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders, United Nations
  36. Publication, Congress Working Paper A/Conf. 56-6 pp. 68-72. (Note : the rankings lack the benefit
  37. of computations against total population figures).
  38. Ibid., p. 70.
  39. Crime figures received from Police Inspector-General's Office, Force Headquarters, Lagos, 6
  40. December 1975.
  41. O. Odekunle, « Efficiency in the Police Protection Aspect of Social Defemse Adminis­ tra•i:m :
  42. An Assessment of the Nigeria Police Force » paper presented at the Sympo­ sium of Productivity and
  43. Efjiciency in the Public Service, University of Ife, Nigeria, 5-7 July 1976, pp. 10, 22; Federal
  44. Republic of Nigeria, Public Service Review Commis­ sion: Main Report, Lagos : Federal Ministry of
  45. Information, 1974, pp. 86-88. The Report observes that there was no accurate a,nd well-maintained
  46. records of duties performed, actions taken, and decisions made as to arrest and detention ; that
  47. one cannot ascertain much from police records (e.g., percentage of crimes cleared among those
  48. accepted) ; that the final returns are devoid of any detailed analysis of the character and
  49. variables of crime and criminals such as age, sex geography, etc.; and that the « reporting and
  50. recording system be completely overhauled it.
  51. H!. R. Hood and R. Sparks, Key Issues in Criminology, New-Yom: McGraw - Hill Book Co., 1970,
  52. Chapter 1.
  53. O. Odekunle, « The Victims of Crime in a Developing Country : A Nigerian Study », paper
  54. presented at the Second International Symposium of Victimology, Boston, Mass., September 5-11,
  55. For theories m criminology, see S. Schafer, Theories in Criminology, New-York : Ran­
  56. dom House Inc., 1969; M. Wolfgang and F. Ferracuti, The Subculture of Violence, London: Tavistock
  57. Publications, 1967; G. Void, Theoretical Criminology, New-York : Oxford University Press, 1958 ;
  58. and G. Nettler, Explaining Crime, New-York : Mc­ Graw-Hill Book Co., 1974.
  59. S. Schafer, op. cit., p. 126 ; see also, M. Wolfgang, « Cesare Lombroso » in H. Mann­ heim
  60. (ed.), Pioneers in Criminology (2nd ed.), Montclair, N.J. : Patterson Smith Publi­ shing Co., 1972,
  61. p. 271.
  62. Wolfgang and Ferracuti, op. cit., pp. 141-146.
  63. M. Wolfgang, « The Viable Future of Criminology », in Denis Szabo (ed.), Criminology in Action,
  64. Montreal : University of Montreal Press, 1968, pp. 109-110.
  65. For a brief but informative material on the linear development of explanations in
  66. crirninology, see L. Radzinowicz and J.F.S. King, « Concepts of Crime », Times Ute­ rary
  67. Supplement, September 26, 1975, starting from p. 1087.
  68. Ibid.
  69. M.E. Wolfgang, « The Viable Future of Criminology », op. cit., pp. 122-123.
  70. R. Merton, « Social Structure and Anomie >, in M.E. Wolfgang et al, (eds). Th
  71. Sociology of Crime and Delinquency, (2nd cd.), New-York: John Wiley and Sons, 1970.
  72. M. Tumin, Social Stratification : The Forms and Functions of Inequality, Englewood
  73. Oiffs, N.J. : Prentiœ-Hall, 1967.
  74. E. Goffam, Stigma, Englewood Oiffs, N.J. : Prentiœ-Hall, 1963.
  75. H.S. Becker, Outsiders: Studles in the Sociology of Deviance, New-York : The Free Press, 1%3.
  76. E. Schur, Crimes Without Victims, N.J.: Prentiœ-Hall 1965.
  77. For this current orientation in criminology, sec Richard Quinney, Crime Control in Capitalist
  78. Society : A Crlflcal Phllosophy of Legal Order, Boston : Little, Brown & Co., 1974; and especially,
  79. Taylor, Walton, Young, op. cit.
  80. l3. Ibid., p. 4.
  81. Radzinowicz and King, loc. cil.
  82. Chambliss, op. cit., p. 178-179.
  83. W. Connor, Deviance in Soviet Society : Crime, Delinquency, and Alcoholis,n, New-
  84. York : Columbia University Press, 1972.
  85. Ibid. p. 255.
  86. Reported on Kaduna TV evening news of II August 1975.
  87. Radzinowicz and King, loc. cil.
  88. Schafer, op. cit, p. 19.
  89. Nettler, op. dt., front cover.
  90. W. Oifford, An Introduction to African Criminology, Nairobi: 0.U.P., 1974, p. 187.
  91. Ibid., pp. 61 2.
  92. Turner, op. cit., pp. 67, 68 and 63, respectively.
  93. J. L. Gillin, Criminology and Penology, New York: Appleton-Century Co, 1945. He defincs crime,
  94. sociologically, as c an act that is socially harmful, or that is belieYed te be socially hannful by
  95. a group that has the power to enforce beliefs and that places such an act under the ban of positive
  96. penalties >.
  97. Albert Cohem., Deviance and Social Contr.ol, New Jersey: Prentiœ-Hall, 1966, p. 35.
  98. Sorne examples of this sid tracking in recent times are in order :
  99. a) when sect'ions of certain degrees werc being challenged in court, an obnoxious. decree was
  100. promulgated that outlawed such challenges in court ;
  101. b) after two citizens sworc to affidavits accusing a Commissioner and a Govemor of
  102. corruption and abuse of office, the Chief Justice issued a « clarification > that, in
  103. effect, outlawed the vohmtary swearing of affidavits ;
  104. c) the anti-corruption decree has been « countered >, as it were, by another dccree which makes it
  105. very difficult, if not impossible, for anybody (except a witch, a top­ notch detective, or a legal
  106. wizard) to accuse any public official of corruption without himself getting convicted for «
  107. wrongful > or c malicious > accusations ; and
  108. d) rent edicts are deliberately strewn with loopholes wnd escapists clauses that they are almost
  109. ineffectual.
  110. There are very few, if any, brillant lawyers in Nigeria. Thus, c top-notch > or c brillant>
  111. in the context of legal practice in Nigeria. IJIUally virtually means c influential :t or c weU­
  112. connected :t.
  113. Turner, op. cit. The focus of ber whole article is the causative role of corruption with
  114. respect to the instability of the Nigeriwn State.
  115. R.E.S. Tanner, « Penal Practice in Africa - Sorne Restrictions on the Possibility for Reform, c
  116. The Joumal of Modem African Studies, Vol. 10, no 3, pp. 44S-449.
  117. Ibid, p. 452.
  118. Bamishaiye, op. cit.
  119. Quinney, op. cit.
  120. Chambliss, op. cil., p. 170.
  121. Ibid., p. 172.
  122. See, pp. 8-10 above ; also, Elias, op. cit., p. 119, Table VI shows that over 67 % of the
  123. prisoners (in Lagos and Ibadan) interviewed in one study in 1968 committed pro­ perty offenses.
  124. Elias, op. cil., p. 121. Table VIII shows that nearly 70 % of the Lagos Kirikiri pr1soners
  125. interviewed in the 1%8 study came from the lower/working class areas of Lagos and its environ.
  126. -317 (Appendices 12 and 13).
  127. Prison Annual Reports have not been published since 1965.
  128. Elias, op. cit., rcspectively, p. 215; p. 217 (Table Ill); p. 296 (Appendix 2); and pp.
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